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Lords of the Sea...
Being
a summary of the seafaring ventures of
Richard
Lord and his son, out of the Connecticut River from 1640 to 1680.
This
image of a mid-17th century trader returning to Connecticut from Long
Island replicates the same voyages by Richard Lord in the 1630s.
The
Lord Family, being Thomas,
Dorothy and their eight
children, lived in Towcester in the first quarter of the 17th
century. Thomas was the only son of Richard and Joane Lord of
Towcester, who
died during the winter of 1610. And it is Richard, the eldest son of
Thomas,
who is the pivotal character in this tale.
In
1633, Richard Lord, then 21,
sailed from London
to Boston,
Massachusetts.
We will set aside his
motivations for the time being, but he was clearly an adventurer in his
own
right. By 1634 he had established himself at Newtowne (today, Cambridge)
a short way upriver from Boston,
and had a “house and shoppe” on a waterfront location with ready access
to
inland shipping, having a wharf and
landing.
At this time, however, his attachment to shipping cannot be confirmed.
In
1635, the rest of his family
– all nine of them – joined
him, leaving Towcester and sailing by way of London on the
ship Elizabeth and
Ann. The
following spring, the entire family joined the expedition of Rev.
Thomas
Hooker, to found a settlement on the west bank of the Connecticut
River,
thereafter known as “Hartford”.
A Dutch trading post, with its own landing for ships and boat engaged
in the
coastal trade was already there when they arrived, and probably offered
Richard
some inspiration.
But
his primary role in the
Colony has always been seen as
connected to the military, engaged in the infamous Pequot War of 1637
and
forming the first troop of cavalry in Connecticut
in 1658. He died in 1662 at age 58, and most references to Connecticut River maritime trade
by the English pertain to the 1660s.
The
logistics of shipping out
of Hartford
were complex and very constrained.
“A
market was also
found in the West Indies
of pipe staves,
provisions and livestock. All trade was sent to Boston on small
ships and transshipped from
there. Generally however, trade from Hartford
was limited and risky due to the long river journey required and
constant
hazard of going aground...”(2-2)

“With
the island
of Barbadoes
the commercial relations were
more intimate than with any other distant port. Two voyages were made
by a
vessel yearly. Horses, cattle, beef, pork and sometimes pipe-staves
were
exchanged for sugar and molasses and at a later period rum….”(3-234)
A
contemporary observation from
the 1660s states: “In the
colony there are
about 20 petty
merchants. Some trade only to Boston,
some to Boston and
the Indies, other to Boston
and New York,
others to Boston,
the Indies and Newfoundland.”(5-319)
While
the Dutch were clearly
engaged in coastal trade by
ship before 1635, mention of English trade by water prior to 1660 is
rare, and
yet in such mention we find Richard Lord a prominent figure. The first
evidence
is tangential, referring to Thomas Stanton, not Richard.
“In
1638, Thomas
Stanton and William Whiting were given exclusive right to the beaver
trade with
Indians at one shilling per skin. Beaver skins were in great demand in England
so this
trade was lucrative.”(1-15)
That
Thomas Stanton should
obtain a special role in the
Indian trade is to be expected given his background:

"Thomas
Stanton
sailed from England
on the
Merchant Bonaventure on January 2, 1635, landing first in Virginia,
and probably arrived in Massachusetts
before
the end of 1635, making his way to Hartford.
He learned the fur trading business and became conversant in the
Algonquian
language which led to important assignments as an interpreter. The
first
official record of Stanton
was his participation
in a conference with the Pequot Indians at Fort
Saybrook
(40 miles south of Hartford) in
July, 1636. He quickly affiliated with
the Thomas Lord family whom he may have known in England
and who had recently emigrated from Towcester, England.
He
married Ann Lord, probably in 1636 and established a merchant business
alliance
with Richard Lord.”(summarized from various genealogical sources)
So
Richard’s introduction to
maritime enterprise appears to
be through his brother-in-law, who was there from the first days of the
Hartford
settlement and a
member of the family almost immediately.
But
in the citations above one
notices no specific mention
of “shipping”, merely of “trade”. This could involve landward trade to
the
Indian settlements surrounding Hartford,
or the “merchant business alliance” could merely involve financial
investment
in vessels operated by others.
But
clear evidence of Richard’s
direct “feet-on-the-deck”
involvement comes in 1642:
"The
business
relationship formed by Stanton and Richard Lord continued for several
years. In
April 1642, Connecticut
placed a moratorium on
all trade with Long Island
Indians but made an
exception for Thomas Stanton and his brother-in-law, Richard Lord (then
age 31).
They were allowed one trip to deliver goods already committed and
collect old
debts."(4-55) (See actual order below from Colonial Records.)


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For
those not familiar with New England geography, Long Island (C) forms
the southern boundary of “Long Island Sound”, a major body of water,
the northern boundary of which is Connecticut. Ships sailing out of the
mouth of the Connecticut River (B) were just ten miles from the northern
arm of Long Island, and easy access was open westward along the entire
150 miles of the island, in waters protected from the Atlantic and thus
navigable in small boats. At small cost and smaller risk, lucrative
beaver skins could have been obtained through this coastal trade from Hartford (A).
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Why the Colony
slapped a trade
embargo on this market is not
clear, but that only two men in all of New
England
were granted a temporary exemption from that embargo, one of them being
Richard
Lord, speaks to the position he had in the Colony at that time.
There
is a gap in the record,
perhaps yet closed with
further research, from the period of 1642 to Richard’s death in 1662.
Yet from
the following reference, he appears to have been actively expanding his
commercial maritime interests:
"Another
early merchant
was Captain Richard Lord. He had a warehouse in which he stored grain
soap,
salt, lime, pitch, deerskins, whalebone, cotton, wool, axes, shovels,
spades,
and forks. A supply of kettles, brass, tin, wooden and earthen vessels,
trenchers and pewter ware he kept in the great closet of his house. At
the time
of his death he had debts due him in the surrounding towns in New London, Norwich, Long
Island, Delaware
Bay, Newfoundland,
Barbadoes and England.
He died in 1662 at New London."(6-301)
And
the record shows that “At
his death in 1662, Richard Lord owned
one-sixteenth of the Society and
one-eighth of the Desire.”(5-319)
Were
the story to stop here,
Towcester might well take pride
in their native son, his military exploits and his maritime adventures.
The
final line of his epitaph reads:
To
Marchantes as a
Pattern he might stand,
Adventuring Dangers
new by Sea and Land
One
might wonder how a boy who
lived in landlocked Towcester
from birth to adulthood (1611-1633) could have become so much attached
to
sailing ships. Perhaps the family spent time in London? Perhaps
young Richard and his boyhood
friends spent idle afternoons sailing toy wooden boats in the Tove? Or
perhaps
it was genetic, because as much as Richard accomplished, his son,
Richard,
accomplished even more in a shorter lifetime.
Born
around 1641, Richard (Jr.)
lived only to age 44, in the
year 1685. His introduction to shipping, other than, of course, by
watching his
father, came in the 1660s, after his father’s death.
His
mentor appears to be
Governor George Wyllys, who became
governor of Connecticut
in 1642, the year they established the embargo on Indian trade. In the
late
1660s he was one of the Connecticut Commissioners for the United
Colonies.

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"He
was
extensively
engaged in trade, and often absent from the Colony. He had an interest
in
several sugar plantations at Antigua, in partnership with Richard Lord,
and
frequently went to the West Indies.
His
speculations proved unprofitable; and as he had borrowed considerable
money,
his affairs became deeply involved, so that pecuniary assistance was
granted
him by the Assembly." (5-271)
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It
may be possible
the “Richard
Lord” cited here is the
father, not the son, but evidence suggests the son. Ironclad evidence
of his occupation comes in 1669, where referring to Richard Sr. the 19th
century history states: “It is said that
his son Richard Lord and John Blackleach bought the ship America
in 1669, and it was then in the Connecticut
River.”(6-299)
To
this the author adds; “As
the ship Mary
and Elizabeth was of
Hartford in 1671, it is conjectured that the owners renamed the America after their wives: that Richard
Lord subsequently sold his interest to Giles Hamlin of Middletown, and
that
this was the ship of the same burden registered there in 1680.”(6-299)
Another
19th
century historian sheds additional
light on this from primary sources he discovered:
"In
April, 1669, an
English vessel, probably built and sent to New England purposely for
sale, and
called the America, was sold by 'John Prout, of
Plymouth, county of Devon, in Great Britain, mariner' –
who
appears to have been both commander and owner – to Richard Lord and
John
Blackleach, of Hartford, for ₤230. She was seventy tuns burden, and was
then 'riding at anchor in the harbor of New London'.”(3-235)
And
the author adds a note: “This
probably notes the first arrival in this
country of Capt. John
Prout, afterward of New Haven.”(3-235)
Thus
Richard’s first ship was
built in England,
sailed to America
by the owner/captain as a means of getting himself to New England as a
colonist, anchored in the mouth of the Connecticut River at New London,
and sold off to Lord and
Blackleach. John Blackleach was a late arrival in Connecticut,
not setting foot there until
1661: “He was master of the
Hartford
Merchant in 1677, and partner
with Richard Lord in his enterprises.”(5-273)
So
Richard’s interest has
transferred from the America
(or Mary and Elizabeth),
to the Hartford
Merchant, an
appropriate name considering the history of the new owners. But his
relationship with Blackleach had its negative moments:

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"Richard
Lord (Jr.) and
John Blackleach, partners in the Hartford
Merchant and
its cargo to the West
Indies
in 1678,… argued during the loading over a missing barrel of tar.
Loading
resumed and the ship sailed after Blackleach gave Lord his written
promise to
submit the matter to arbitration upon their return."(7-125)
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This
confirms shipping between Hartford
and the West Indies,
and we are reminded that
in this trade apparently “Two
voyages
were made by a vessel yearly.” Either Richard’s
ship was the
only one
engaged, or one of two.
Some
technical details on the
ship are found scattered in
the primary sources.
"This
was probably the
“Hartford Merchant”, a “ketch”,
bought in Boston by Richard Lord and John Blackleach about
1676….Between 1660
and 1680, we find the names, as of Hartford, of the “Ship
Entrance” (Sept 1664), “Ship
America”, about 70 tons, bought by John Blackleach and
Richard Lord, May
1669, and then in the Connecticut River…"(5-273)
And
from another source:
"In 1680, only one
ship was registered at Hartford.
It was of ninety tons burden. Probably this was the Hartford
Merchant, which Lord (Jr.) and Blackleach bought in Boston
in 1676."(6-299)
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From
the Colonial Records, the list of vessels belonging to New London, as
returned by the magistrates at Hartford to the Lords of
Trade and Plantations, in 1680 (3-237):
“Two
ships, one 70 tons, the other 90; three ketches, about 50 tons each;
two
sloops, 15 tons each.”
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A
word here on the
interchangeability of the locations “Hartford”
and “New
London.” Hartford
was
the capital, so to speak, of the Connecticut Colony, so something
recorded as
belonging to “Hartford”
could well mean only belonging
to Connecticut.
New
London was
the harbor at the mouth of the river and clearly had the advantage over
the upriver
passage in avoiding shoals and rifts, yet it required overland transport
from
upriver, or transport in small boats to supply the vessels anchored
there. The
Dutch, in the 1630s, ran ocean-going ships inland to their trading
house at
what would later be Hartford,
so having a landing and access there is not unthinkable. And some early
maps
show Richard Lord buying riverfront lots just south of Hartford
with indication of a landing on the
river itself.
The
fact that Lord’s ship was
described as a “ketch” is
itself interesting from the standpoint of maritime history:
Typical mid-17th
century
English ketch.
"The
ketch developed
around the middle of the 17th
century. The
ketch design has a short bowsprit with at least one triangular
headsail, the
main mast stepped abaft with a topmast carrying square course and
topsail --
later versions added a topgallant -- and a mizzen mast with a
triangular lateen
sail. The hull form was relatively stubby with a round stern and a
narrow
transom like the Dutch flute and a plain curved stem."(Edited from online references.)
And this vessel being a ketch
also underscores the fact that
Richard, and his father before him, did not just stand by on land as
these
trading ventures evolved:
“Almost
every merchant
that sent out vessels at this period made an occasional voyage himself.
Either
as master or supercargo.”(3-238)
“Another
vessel owned
at this time in New London…was
the Success, a ketch,
rated at fifty-four tuns. A captain,
mate,
boatswain and
one sailor, formed the full complement of men for a vessel
like this.
The
coasters had seldom more than two men
and a boy.”(3-236)
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Richard Lord (Jr)
"He was
one of the
wealthiest merchants of his time, made many trading voyages, and was
lost at
sea November 5, 1685... leaving a large estate to his widow and his
only child;
the inventory of his property amounted to £5,786 which was, with one
exception,
the greatest, up to that time, in Hartford."(10-9,10) |
But
this particular
extension
of Towcester’s history into
the maritime evolution of New England
came abruptly
to an end in 1685.
One
can
only speculate what
additional influence Richard may
have had in the maritime history of the New
World
had he lived longer. But what he, and his father, accomplished –
historic by
any standard - can be traced back to the streets, and perhaps streams,
of
Towcester.
Sources:
1. Richard A. Radune, Pequot
Plantation: the story of an early
colonial settlement, 2005 citing William A.
Stanton, A Record, Genealogical,
Biographical,
Statistical of Thomas Stanton, 1891.
2.
Richard A. Radune, Pequot
Plantation:
the story of an early colonial settlement, 2005
citing Roland Hooker,
The Colonial Trade of Connecticut, 1936.
3.
Richard A. Radune, Pequot
Plantation:
the story of an early colonial settlement, 2005
citing History of New London,
Connecticut:
From the first survey of the coast in 1612, to 1852. Frances Manwaring
Caulkins.
4.
Richard A. Radune, Pequot
Plantation:
the story of an early colonial settlement, 2005
citing (UConn Libraries
CCR, Colonial Connecticut
Records, 1636 –
1776, Vol. 1. 72.)
5.
The Memorial
History of Hartford
County
Connecticut,
1633-1884. J. Hammond Trumbull.(Connecticut
Historical Society) 1886.
6.
The Colonial History of Hartford:
gathered from the original records
By William DeLoss Love, p.299
7.
"Memorandum by John Blackleach, 16 Mar. 1678, Lord v. Blackleach,
Conn.
Arch., Priv. Controversies (2nd ser.), 2:37
(1682)." Cited in Neighbors
and Strangers: Law and Community in Early Connecticut
By Bruce H. Mann,
p.125.
8.
History of New
London, Connecticut,
from the first survey of the coast in 1612 to 1860 –
Frances Manwaring
Caulkins, Cecelia Griswold, 1895.
9.
(State Archives: Private Controversies, II: 34, 44.) From
The
Colonial History of Hartford:
gathered from the original records By
William
DeLoss Love 10. Genealogy of the Descendants of Thomas Lord...By Kenneth Lord, 1946.
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